Ahad, 14 November 2010

Terkini : Azmin cecah majoriti lebih 10,000 undi

Sebanyak 28 lagi cabang PKR di seluruh negara mengadakan pemilihannya hari ini, melibatkan empat negeri dan Wilayah Persekutuan di seluruh negara.

Di Selangor lapan cabang terlibat sementara di negeri-negeri lain seperti berikut: Johor (6), Sarawak (6), Wilayah Persekutuan (6), dan Pulau Pinang (2).

Pengundian yang masuk hari kelapan kali ini agak berbeza kerana kerusi tumpuan - timbalan presiden - kini tinggal dua penjuru apabila Datuk Zaid Ibrahim menarik diri.

Berdasarkan keputusan tidak rasmi daripada 154 cabang - 140 sehingga semalam dan 14 lagi hari ini -yang diperoleh Malaysiakini, majoriti Azmin kini telah mencecah lima angka kepada 10,244 undi.

Beliau mendapat keseluruhan 13,016 undi manakala pencabar tunggalkan kini Mustaffa Kamil Ayub pula kekal jauh di belakang dengan 2,772 undi.

Pemilihan hari ini dilihat mempengaruhi peluang setiap calon bertanding kerana Selangor merupakan negeri yang mempunyai paling ramai anggota PKR di Malaysia.

Sebagai contoh, di empat cabang sahaja - Petaling Jaya Selatan, Subang, Kapar dan Kota Raja - jumlah anggotanya dianggarkan sebanyak lebih 23,000 orang.

Berikut keputusan pemilihan PKR mengikut cabang yang diperoleh setakat ini:
Petaling Jaya Utara Azmin (52), Mustaffa (24)

Kluang Azmin (37), Mustaffa (6)

Tanjong Azmin (57), Mustaffa (8)

Batu Pahat Azmin (27), Mustaffa (7)

Simpang Renggam Azmin (31), Mustaffa (6)

Sri Gading Azmin (7), Mustaffa (9)

Bandar Tun Razak Azmin (138), Mustaffa (19)

Bukit Bintang Azmin (58), Mustaffa (5)

Jelutong Azmin (90), Mustaffa (2)

Lembah Pantai Azmin (155), Mustaffa (55)

Seputeh Azmin (24), Mustaffa (7)

Kota Raja Azmin (582), Mustaffa (38)

Subang Azmin (357), Mustaffa (33)

Kapar Azmin (216), Mustaffa (60)

Kurang 10 peratus mengundi pada pemilihan MPP PKR di Selangor

SHAH ALAM, 14 Nov — Kurang daripada 10 peratus anggota Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) Selangor dari cabang Kapar, Kota Raja dan Klang keluar mengundi pada pemilihan Majlis Pimpinan Pusat (MPP) yang berlangsung hari ini.
Ketika proses pengundian ditutup peda pukul 4.30 petang, kira-kira 300 daripada 5,000 anggota PKR dari cabang Kapar keluar mengundi manakala di Kota Raja seramai 658 daripada 7,992 anggota parti dari cabang itu yang keluar mengundi.
Sementara bagi cabang Klang, hanya 400 dari 6,000 anggota cabang itu yang keluar mengundi.
Bagaimanapun tiada insiden tidak diingini berlaku sepanjang pemilihan di tiga cabang itu.
Calon naib presiden PKR yang juga anggota Parlimen Kapar S. Manikavasagam ketika dihubungi berkata beliau sangat kecewa dengan jumlah pengundi pada pemilihan MPP cabang Kapar yang berlangsung di Dewan Sungai Pinang, Klang.
“Saya dimaklumkan ramai yang tidak dapat hadir kerana musim festival seperti perlu menghadiri majlis perkahwinan. Lokasi juga tidak sesuai kerana ramai tidak tahu di mana dewan Sungai Pinang. Apapun saya gembira kerana pemilihan berjalan dengan cukup aman,” katanya.
Sementara itu pemilihan di MPP bagi cabang Kuala Langat ditangguh ke 20 November difahamkan kerana mengalami masalah berhubung tempat pengundian. — Bernama

‘Hide Park’ ! – The Taibs’ London Bolthole


Hampshire House, 12 Hyde Park Place - The Taibs occupy the spacious ground floor flat
It is undoubtedly one of the smartest addresses in London.  Hampshire House is an enormous and gracious period building overlooking the world-famous Hyde Park, just a stone’s throw from Marble Arch and Oxford Street.  It contains some of the largest apartments in the capital, including the regular ‘pied a terre’ of Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud.
The ground floor apartment used by the Taibs is worth around £8.5 million (RM 43 million) and measures over 4,000 square feet.  A sense of its grandeur can be gained by looking at the pictures of a neighbouring flat that was recently put on the market at this price.  All the Taib family are known to regularly use the building and it is likely that they own or have access to more than just one of the flats, since so many are able to reside there at one time.
Detour on the way to Haj!
Gracious interiors - worth RM45 million (£8.5 million)
Indeed we can report something that was not mentioned by Sarawak’s tame media on Tuesday, when Taib’s departure from Kuching to perform Haj was extensively covered.  Instead of going straight to Mecca, the Chief Minister in fact came directly to his luxurious Hampshire House in London, which is an over-shoot of his nominal target by several thousands of miles.  The decision to go to the UK first will have shortened his advertised pilgrimage by a number of days.
Sarawak Report has learnt that one reason for the detour was that the Taibs had planned a major family reunion before going on to do their pilgrimage.  The day before the Chief Minister himself arrived staff at Hampshire House were in full preparations and our information suggests that the family have decided to stage a’ coming together’ to try and repair some of their public feuds and rivalries.  It is believed that this is an attempt by the Chief Minister to present a united family front as he gets ready to appeal to increasingly fed-up voters in the coming election.
Spacious interiors
Even Onn Mahmud, the brother who had once acted as Taib’s closest business fixer, but then fell out with him, has been included in the gathering.  Onn, who was directly implicated in taking millions of dollars in timber kickbacks by the Japanese authorities, has barely spoken to many members of the family for years and has been excluded from Taib’s inner circle.  The plan for this event was that family members should ask for each other’s forgiveness and make amends with each other, before travelling to Mecca to ask forgiveness of Allah.  They are clearly hoping that this idea of forgiveness will also catch on with the voters of Sarawak.
Sulaiman Rahman Taib, photographed arriving at the gated entrance of Hampshire House on Tuesday 9th November the day before his father's arrival.
Spotted at ‘Hide’ ParkTaib Sulaiman
However, there is likely to have been another compelling reason behind the Chief Minister’s decision to visit his Hyde Park mansion on the way to Mecca, as he may have been meeting his son.  The day before his arrival a Sarawak Report photographer spotted the Chief Minister’s absent son, Sulaiman Rahman Taib, arriving in a black chauffeur-driven Mercedes and slipping into Hampshire House, where he is apparently staying.
Sulaiman Taib has failed to appear in public in Malaysia for the entire past year, despite his role as a member of the Federal Parliament, which has been the subject of considerable speculation and concern.  However, the Taib family has refused to make any statement as to his whereabouts. He has not appeared in his constituency or set foot in Parliament, which is a blatant neglect of the public duties for which he is handsomely paid.  Indeed his extraordinary disappearance has sparked several rumours that he might be dead or under-going treatment for a disease which the family is unwilling to discuss.
So Sarawak Report is pleased to be able to perform a public service in confirming that the Chief Minister’s son is alive, appears well and presumably drawing his salary in London.  In fact ‘Rahman’ has been spotted a number of times in and around London over past months and it is certainly open to speculation that he is indeed benefiting from Britain’s advanced medical skills in the treatment of a number of diseases that might not receive the necessary expertise in Sarawak or Malaysia.
Taib employee assaulted our photographer
Rahman's driver left opens the door for more passengers after assaulting our photographer. Pictures of the assault have been made available to the police.
However, it is clear that despite their public position, the Taibs do not appreciate our publicising of their whereabouts or possessions.  Rahman Taib spotted the young female photographer and clearly pointed her out to employees who came out of the building to identify her.

A short while later the driver of his car assaulted her in the open street as she attempted to take more photographs of female passengers leaving the building and entering his car.  The Taib driver grabbed the young woman by the neck and forced her to erase her photographs until she was rescued by an onlooker.  The matter is now being investigated as an assault by the police.  This kind of brutality, though regularly meted out to members of the public under Taib in Sarawak, is strictly prohibited in the UK.
Late on Tuesday the photographer believes she also spotted the Chief
Taib slipping in at dusk?
Minister entering the building himself  not long after his Singapore Airlines flight touched down in Heathrow.  Sarawak Report would like to invite any readers who might have better photos of the Chief Minister going in or emerging from Hampshire House, 12 Hyde Park Place, London W2 to send them to us and we will be pleased to publish them.
Who owns the multi-million pound flat?
Sarawak Report would also be interested to know exactly who owns the ground floor flat which is so frequently used by the Taibs and which appears to be the current home of Sulaiman.  According to the official Land Registry the public owner of the property is Sultan Abdul Halim Mu-Adzam, the Malaysian contact of the Taibs who invested Onn with his title of Datuk.
The relationship between the two families and who really holds the possession of one of London’s smartest properties is clearly a matter of public interest.  The Chief Minister, given his official salary over the past 30 years should never be able to afford such a residence, yet in fact this is just one of a string of such properties that the Taibs do own.  Taib himself has been recorded saying “I have more money than I can ever spend”.
Cleansing - a bathroom at Hampshire House
The Chief Minister is also known for attempting to hide his real ownership of companies and properties behind the names of others who have privately agreed to hand over their control of the assets via covert deals that give Taib ultimate control over the wealth of his family and friends.  Sarawak Report has proven a number of cases where the Taibs use such nominees to hold their shares secretly in trust and this includes Abdul Taib Mahmud.  The confused ownership of mansions handed to the Taibs by Samling in the United States is another example of tactic, which was previously exposed by Sarawak Report.
So, does the Hampshire House residence in fact belong to the Taibs, while being registered under the name of a friendly sultan?  If not and the property is indeed that of the Sultan, why does he allow the Taibs to treat it as their own?   A statement from the Chief Minister on this and all the other matters we have raised with regard to his staggering but inexplicable wealth would, as ever, be truly appreciated.

A once imprisoned politician may be his country’s best chance for reform

Anwar and Reformasi!
Ian Buruma

The real Malay dilemma today is that democrats need the Islamists: Malay liberals and secular Chinese and Indians cannot form a governing alliance without religious and rural Malays. And the only serious contender who can patch over the differences between secularists and Islamists for the sake of reform is Anwar, a liberal Malay with impeccable Muslim credentials.

“He is our last chance,” Zaid told me, as he celebrated the victory of PAS in Kuala Terengganu. When I repeated this to Anwar, he looked thoughtful and said, “Yes, and that’s what worries me.”



Anwar Ibrahim’s voice was barely audible above the background din of chattering guests and a cocktail-bar pianist at the Hilton Hotel in Kuala Lumpur. Anwar — who had rebounded from six years in prison on corruption and sodomy charges to become the best hope for a more democratic, less corrupt Malaysia—speaks softly. He is still under constant surveillance, he said.

Sensitive political business has to be handled in other capitals—Jakarta, Bangkok,
or Hong Kong. Security is a constant worry. Intelligence sources from three countries have warned him to be careful. “I’m taking a big risk just walking
into this hotel to see you,but what can I do?” he murmured. “It’s all too exhausting. But, you know, sometimes you just have to take risks.”

This was the same Anwar Ibrahim, one struggled to remember, who was once at the heart of the Malaysian establishment: the Minister of Culture in 1983, the Minister
of Education in 1986, the Minister of Finance in 1991,a Deputy Prime Minister in
1993. He was poised to succeed Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad. And then he
got overconfident. Starting in the summer of 1997, when the Malaysian currency and stock market lost more than half of their value in the Asian financial meltdown, Anwar did something that Mahathir found unforgivable.

Even as the Prime Minister was imposing capital controls and blaming “rogue speculators,” such as George Soros, for the crisis, Anwar launched an attack on “nepotism” and “cronyism” in his own party, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), which had been in power since independence. The “cronies” included members of Mahathir’s family. While Mahathir tried to bail out banks and corporations run by
his allies, Anwar talked about transparency and accepting some of the International
Monetary Fund’s recommendations for liberalizing the economy.

Mahathir does not like to be contradicted.

In 1998, Anwar was removed from the cabinet and from UMNO. He was charged with corruption, and with sodomizing his speechwriter and his wife’s chauffeur, and convicted. Under Malaysian law, “carnal intercourse against the order of nature” carries a sentence of up to twenty years. Anwar denied everything and took to the road, addressing crowds all over the country. When he was barred from speaking in halls, he spoke in mosques or parking lots, standing on top of trucks or cars.

“The government is trying to keep the people away from me,” he declared. “I am not afraid. No matter what happens, whether in prison . . . I will still strive, I will still fight, I will not step down.”

While awaiting trial, Anwar was badly beaten by the chief of police, and he says that attempts were made to poison him. After his arrest, Anwar says, Mahathir
gave a slide show for his cabinet colleagues, to justify the purge of his former
heir apparent. There were photographs of current and former U.S. officials—Robert
Rubin, William Cohen, and Paul Wolfowitz—along with the World Bank president,
James Wolfensohn.

“These are the people behind Anwar,” Mahathir explained. (Mahathir denies showing any pictures but allows, “I informed the cabinet about Anwar’s associates.”) Nobody
was likely to miss the implication; Mahathir has clearly stated his conviction that “Jews rule this world by proxy.”

At the Hilton, Anwar, who started his career as the president of the Malaysian Muslim Students Union, and is still a devout Muslim, shrugged. “They say I’m a Jewish agent, because of my friendship with Paul,” he said. “They also accuse me of
being a lackey of the Chinese.”

His eyebrows twitched in a gesture of disbelief, and he emitted a dry, barking laugh. When Anwar was released from prison, in 2004, after six years in solitary confinement,he announced that he would return to politics. Last year, Mahathir was asked by a reporter whether he thought Anwar would ever be the Prime Minister of Malaysia.

Mahathir replied that “he would make a good Prime Minister of Israel.”

So far, it looks as though Mahathir has underestimated his man. Anwar was returned
to parliament last year in a landslide (his constituency is in Penang, on the northwest coast). His coalition of opposition parties—which includes both a
secular, mostly Chinese party and the Islamists of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic
Party, or PAS, as well as his own multiethnic People’s Justice Party (P.K.R.)—
has taken more than a third of the seats in parliament, and several state governments.

In the next general election, possibly as soon as 2010, Anwar Ibrahim
may well become the Prime Minister of Malaysia. To make sense of Anwar’s rise, fall,
and rise, it helps to know something about the role of race and religion in Malaysia.

The country’s population is more than half Malay, defined by ethnicity and
the Muslim faith, but large numbers of Chinese (now about a quarter of the population)and Indians (seven per cent) arrived in the nineteenth century, when the
British imported coolies from China and plantation workers from India.

Tensions arising from this mélange—and, in particular, the fear held by Malays that they
will always be bested by these minorities have gripped Malaysian politics since the country achieved independence from the British, in 1957. In recent years,the situation has been further complicated by a surge in Islamic fervor among
many Malays.

Mahathir, whose father had some Indian ancestry, had always been obsessed with race, and the modern era of Malaysian politics can be traced to his book “The Malay Dilemma,” published in 1970, a decade before he came to power. It is a distillation of the kind of social Darwinism imbibed by Southeast Asians of Mahathir’s cohort through their colonial education. The Malay race, the book argues, couldn’t compete
with the Chinese for genetic reasons.

Whereas the Chinese had been hardened over the centuries by harsh climates and fierce competition, the Malays were a lazy breed, fattened by an abundance of food under the tropical sun. Unfettered competition with the Chinese “would subject the Malays to the primitive laws that enable only the fittest to survive,” Mahathir warned his fellow-nationals.

“If this is done it would perhaps be possible to breed a hardy and resourceful race capable of competing against all comers. Unfortunately, we do not have four thousand years to play around with.”

And so the Malays had to be protected by systematic affirmative action: awarded top positions and mandatory ownership of business enterprises, along with preferential treatment in public schools, universities, the armed forces, the police, and the government bureaucracy. Otherwise the “immigrants,” as the ruling party still calls the Chinese and the Indians, would take over.

“The Malay Dilemma” was immediately banned for being divisive. The country was still reeling from the race riots of 1969, when, after a predominatly Chinese
party enjoyed an election victory, hundreds of Chinese were attacked by Malays.
Killings led to counter-killings. Such intergroup tensions were hardly new: ever
since Britain left its former colony, political parties have used ethnic resentments
to gain votes, while pas sought to turn Malaysia into an Islamic state. Presiding
over this fraught mosaic of ethnic and religious politics throughout the nineteensixties was the aristocratic Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman — until, in the fall of 1970, he was brought down by the brand of Malay nationalism advocated in
Mahathir’s book.

Despite the ban, activists succeeded in distributing copies to nationalistic
Malay students. One of them was the young Anwar Ibrahim, then president of the Malaysian Muslim Students Union. Over the decade that followed, Anwar and Mahathir steadily gained influence.

By 1981, Mahathir was Prime Minister. A year later, Anwar, who could easily
have joined the Islamists in Pas, was brought into the government to help put
Mahathir’s ethnic theories into practice through the so-called New Economic
Policy. He continued to do so until the late nineteen-nineties, when the consequences had become too blatant to ignore: a bloated (in all senses of the word)
Malay élite was raking in more and more of the country’s wealth; educated young
Chinese and Indians were leaving the country in droves; and poor Malays were being kept in a state of fear by the propaganda in public schools and in the statecontrolled press.

Without their special status, the Malays were told, they would be at the mercy of those rapacious, dominating Chinese “immigrants.” Meanwhile,Mahathir’s rule had grown increasingly autocratic. In 2003, he was succeeded by the more amiable Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who promised reform but delivered little.

Tan Sri Abdullah Ahmad, a confidant of Mahathir’s, told me that, if anything, corruption has grown worse. “They’re making hay while the sun still shines.”
To challenge UMnO’s ethnic policies is still to court serious trouble. I met Professor Lim Teck Ghee, a Chinese Malaysian and a former World Bank social
scientist, at a restaurant in Brickfields, a largely Indian section near the central
“I hope you like sports metaphors.” station of Kuala Lumpur.

A soft-spoken man, peering sadly through his glasses,Lim was the director of a leading economic think tank until he published, in 2006, a careful analysis showing that Malays, far from being dominated by the Chinese, actually owned more than fortyfive per cent of corporate equity in publicly listed companies. He was quickly
vilified for being “anti-national,” and he resigned his post.

Lim was one of several people I spoke to in Malaysia who used the word “apartheid”
in describing his country. “The ethnic situation has become much worse,”
he said, especially since Malay nationalism took a strong Islamic turn in the late
nineteen-eighties, when the UMNO Party was challenged by the Islamists of Pas.

The Islamists got a boost from the Iranian Revolution, and actually took power
in the mostly Malay state of Kelantan in 1990. To preëmpt the Islamists, UMNO, ostensibly a secular party, wedded its ethnic nationalism (which was decidedly
not a feature of pas) to religion: Muslims were no longer supposed to drink alcohol; women were encouraged to wear head scarves (tudung); easygoing Malay Islam took on the harsher tone of Wahhabi purism. The increasing conservatism of Malaysian
Islam probably stems from insecurity and envy, more than from religious values.

Lacking the powerful cultural and historical traditions of the Chinese and the Indians, Malays have been vulnerable to the inroads of Saudi-style Islam. It
gives them an identity, a sense of belonging to something stronger than their village traditions. Meanwhile, in Lim’s view, educated Malays have been too
timid to resist, whatever they might do or say in private.

“I’ve seen it happening with my progressive university friends,” Lim said. “Wives take to wearing the tudung,the daughters cover up. Their passivity,their silence, is very bad for the community,because it allows the ultras to set the agenda. Islam has become more and more conservative. Muslims can no longer go to non-Malay restaurants or visit the houses of non-Malay friends. Tensions have grown. We’re reverting to the colonial situation, where the different races only meet in the marketplace.”

Lim’s children have already left the country; a daughter is in Seattle, a son in
Sydney. He sighed. “Even young Malays are leaving,” he went on. “They can’t
stomach the hypocrisy, the dishonesty.”

Then he said something that I would hear, over and over, from many others: “The sad thing is that Malaysia could have been so good—we could have been a model of multi-ethnic harmony.” A sense of disappointment was palpable in most conversations I had with Chinese and Indian Malaysians, not least among those who once supported the privileging of Malays, in order to redress colonial imbalances and raise the prospects of the rural bumiputera, the “sons of the soil.”

It was also clear that such disillusionment can easily turn to hostility. I saw Mahathir, whose views are still widely read on his daily blog, Che Det,
at a demonstration protesting the Israeli attack on Gaza. As I arrived at the Bangsar Sports Complex, he was finishing his diatribe against “the Jews” and “Jewish
atrocities,” wildly cheered by groups of schoolchildren in Palestinian-style scarves
and black tudung. They disappeared as soon as the former Prime Minister, smiling
a little menacingly at the young, left the scene. Later, I read in a newspaper
that the Malaysian government had planned to mobilize “about five million
pupils and 360,765 teachers from more than 10,000 schools,” to protest against
what posters in the Bangsar Sports Complex termed “Holocaust II.”

I looked around the now depleted hall, and was puzzled by posters that
read, in Malay, “Stop the atrocities against us.” I turned to an elderly Chinese-looking gentleman sitting behind me. “Who is this ‘us’?” I asked. With a sly grin, he replied, “Don’t you know? It means the Malays.” What atrocities had the Israelis
perpetrated against the Malays? “Palestinians, Malays—they’re all Muslims,”the old man said.

He shifted his chair closer. “I’m just here to observe,” he said,lowering his voice. “I’m not pro-Palestinian at all. I have Jewish friends, you know.
Lend a hundred thousand dollars to a Jew and you’ll always get it back. Lend
it to a Muslim and he’ll cheat you, for sure. They’re all liars and cheats, the
Muslims.”

Anwar’s daughter, Nurul Izzah, then entered the hall. The sports complex happened to be in her constituency. She had been elected as a member of parliament
for the People’s Justice Party in 2008. Izzah had not been especially eager
to be a politician, having just given birth that year. But when Anwar was imprisoned,and his wife, Dr. Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, took his place as an opposition
leader, politics became something of a family enterprise.

Nurul Izzah, now twenty-eight, is popular, especially among the young. She has her father’s gift for public speaking,and is remarkably beautiful. She got up on the stage and shouted slogans in English about Israel being founded on bloodshed. When she sat down, she whispered to me, “Did you notice how they took away the microphone?” Referring to the official media, she said, “That’s
how much they love me.”

The vigorous government campaign against Israel had taken the opposition by surprise, and she felt that she had to make a statement. But the government evidently did not wish to share its Muslim solidarity with the opposition. I asked Izzah when she started wearing a tudung. “Since I was eighteen,” she replied. Later that year, her father was jailed. “In the darkest hours, you turn to God. We were never forced into wearing the tudung. It was my decision. My father was alarmed.”

In fact, Izzah was sent to a Catholic convent school outside the capital, and studied international relations at Johns Hopkins. Her best friend is a half-Welsh Catholic. “I can’t remember many verses of the Koran,” she said, with a polite giggle, “but I felt it was my duty as a Muslim to wear the tudung. I did face some challenges.”

As a student, she told me, “My crowd was mostly liberal. So friends sometimes felt uncomfortable. Couldn’t go clubbing and that sort of thing.”

Nurul Izzah was asked to run for office, she explained, “because it was important
for the P.K.R. to have a young generation that supports multiracial politics. But, you know, to run for the opposition is suicidal for a future career in this country.”

Despite what must have been a very difficult childhood, she had a refreshing
lack of bitterness, and spoke with a sense of humor, even a guarded optimism. I
had noticed this quality in others of her age, including Chinese and Indians, who
were working for N.G.O.s, writing blogs, or organizing local communities.

Some have backgrounds in the community: I met Indian and Chinese politicians who started in labor unions. Others have studied abroad and decided to return, as activists or journalists. The most popular blogger is the half-Welsh, half-Malay scion of a royal family. (Most Malaysian states still have sultans.) The two founders of Malaysiakini, the country’s best online news site, met as students in Australia.

Some are religious; many are not. But everyone, even Lim Teck Ghee, a staunch atheist, seems to agree that the chances of Malaysia’s becoming a more democratic, less racialist society depend almost entirely on the former Muslim student leader who helped institutionalize Malay nationalism: Anwar Ibrahim.

His arrest in 1998 was probably the making of him as an opposition leader. It came at a time when Malaysian society was beginning to open up, especially on the Internet. One of Mahathir’s ambitions was to make Malaysia into an Asian Silicon Valley. Foreign companies were invited to invest in a “Multimedia Super Corridor” between the new international airport and the twin Petronas Towers (also known as Mahathir’s Erections), which rise like gigantic pewter cocktail shakers in the center of Kuala Lumpur. An international committee of experts, including Bill Gates, advised Mahathir that, if he wished to attract foreign investment, censoring the Internet would be unwise. As a result, Malaysian readers now have access to news and commentary that is independent of the government.

Steven Gan, a Malaysian Chinese, is one of the founders of Malaysiakini.com. Inspired by Anwar’s call for reformasi, political change, he launched the site with
his partner, Premesh Chandran, in November of 1999. On the night of Anwar’s
arrest, ten thousand people had turned out to listen to his speech against bribery,
ethnic discrimination, and rule by decree.

Reformasi became the rallying cry of all those who felt disaffected by the corrupt
autocracy that Malaysia had become. Every Malaysian able to go online knew wha Anwar said when he was sentenced at his trial: “I have been dealt a judgment
that stinks to high heaven. . . . The corrupt and despicable conspirators are like
worms wriggling in the hot sun. A new dawn is breaking in Malaysia. Let us
cleanse our beloved nation of the filth and garbage left behind by the conspirators.
Let us rebuild a bright new Malaysia for our children.”

“When we launched Malaysiakini, we had five hundred readers,” Gan told me in a sidewalk café near his office. “By the time the decision went against Anwar in
the sodomy trial, we had three hundred thousand.” Malaysiakini, which has paid
subscribers, actually makes a profit.

One of the effects of Malaysiakini— and of a number of immensely popular bloggers, such as Raja Petra Kamarudin and Haris Ibrahim—is the emergence of a genuinely multi-ethnic debate. Raja Petra is the aristocrat, related to the Sultan
of Selangor. Haris is a half-Malay lawyer. Another influential figure is Jeff
Ooi Chuan Aun, a Chinese I.T. consultant turned politician. Divisions that exist in daily life seem to fade away online.

Malaysiakini is published in English, Malay, Tamil, and Chinese. “Malaysiakini
has provided a platform for different communities to express themselves on sensitive issues, like N.E.P., Islam, human rights,” Gan says. “More non-Malays are finding their voice. They no longer feel they need to leave their
country.”

The demonstration on the night of Anwar’s arrest was largely a Malay affair; it took a little longer for the minorities to stir in public. Indians had largely supported the ruling National Front, which was led by UMNO and backed by the Malaysian Indian Congress party. This changed in November of 2007, when thousands of Indians marched in the streets to deliver a petition to the British High Commission, insisting that the British take responsibility for the treatment of Indians under colonial rule. It was really a stunt to protest against ethnic
discrimination. But the petition never reached the High Commissioner: soldiers
and riot police with water cannons and tear gas cracked down on the protesters
with maximum force.

“I shall never forget that day,” Charles Santiago, an Indian M.P. who took part
in the protests, told me. “There was pentup frustration there before, but that day
something snapped.”

The frustration had many sources: blocked job prospects, discrimination in education and property ownership, destruction of Hindu temples, young Indian men dying mysteriously in police stations and prisons. “The point of the petition was to raise consciousness among Indians about their rights, to embarrass the government,” Santiago explained. “But the crackdown was so heavy-handed that even the Chinese became sympathetic to our cause.”

It was the first time, Santiago said, that “people of all stripes, rich and poor, went into the streets to make a point—this is what broke the back of UMNO.” The
Malaysian Indian Congress lost heavily in the March, 2008, elections, as did the
Malaysian Chinese Association. Many Indians and Chinese voted for Anwar’s
P.K.R.

But the most important transformation over the past decade probably occurred
in the mind of Anwar himself. He had long been critical of government policies,
but almost up to the time of his arrest he was still regarded as a rather arrogant
UMNO man. I tried to picture the haughty technocrat as he smiled at me in his daughter’s sparsely furnished office at the P.K.R. headquarters. All I saw was a
charmer, whose fine dark hair, snappy spectacles, and black goatee gave him the
air of a jazz-loving hipster of the nineteenfifties. Even at his own party headquarters, he spoke softly, sometimes in a whisper, aware that anything he said was likely to be overheard.

I asked him whether he had expected Mahathir—a man he had known for
more than thirty years—to treat him so harshly. “Yes and no,” he replied. “I didn’t
think he’d go that far. I’d seen him destroy opponents, but always short of
using physical abuse.”

The 1998 trial was a humiliating spectacle, with elements of dark comedy: a
mattress with semen stains produced as evidence in court; police claims that
Anwar had beaten himself up by pressing a glass onto his own face. Years of
solitary confinement provided much time for thought. “Prison life is such that
you have to impose a punishing discipline on yourself,” Anwar told me. “Otherwise,
you become lethargic, or a psycho.”

Deprived of books for the first six months, Anwar was eventually allowed to read Tocqueville, Shakespeare, Confucius, the Indian and Arabic classics. He also received a subscription to The New Yorker. But there were times when he would have given anything to hear a human voice, even to be scolded by a guard. Family visits were always brief. His children would sing old pop songs to him. Anwar looked wistfully out the window as he sang the first bars of Frank Sinatra’s “My Way.”

The experience seems to have made him a humbler man. In an interview given three months after his release from prison, he told the Malaysian writer Eddin Khoo, “To be frank and honest, I cannot absolve myself entirely of the excesses of [Mahathir’s] administration. There were some things that were beyond our control, other things we simply did not have the courage to address at that time.”

A retired Indian civil servant told me about hearing Anwar speak in the district
contested by his daughter in 2008. It was near midnight and pouring down rain, yet more than a thousand people waited until Anwar arrived, on the back of a motorcycle, drenched. When he spoke, the crowd fell silent, listening to every word. Then, suddenly, a number of Indians began to shout, in Tamil,“Makkal Sakti!”—“People Power! People Power!” And the Malays and Chinese repeated it after them, louder and louder—an unusual demonstration of multi-ethnic solidarity.

Anwar was arrested again, in the summer of 2008, for “sexual assault” on a strapping male aide, but it made no difference to his popularity. Allegations
of sexual misconduct had become so clearly political that few people believed them, and the legal proceedings were farcical. Anwar was seized near his home by
twenty commandos in balaclavas. The putative victim, who remains under “police
protection,” is rather strong to be overwhelmed by the much less physically imposing Anwar. The aide swore in a mosque, over the Koran, that he was speaking the truth. When an imam later claimed that he had been forced by superiors
to witness these proceedings, he was dismissed. The offense was then changed
from “sexual assault” to “consensual sex against the order of nature,” even though
the aide has yet to be charged. Anwar is not worried. “They just used it to embarrass me, but it did no good,” he said. “They lost the elections anyway.”

Anwar has not entirely shed his tendency toward arrogance. Weeks after the
opposition won its victory in March of 2008, he announced that he was ready to
take over the government that year. This was premature. It’s true that the National
Front government no longer commands a two-thirds majority in parliament, but
there are many problems to overcome before Anwar’s coalition of opposition parties is ready to rule the country. It could be another year or two before the next general election. And the current prime minister, Najib Tun Razak, has the image of being a more ruthless operator than his predecessor, the ineffectual Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

Najib has been involved in a scandal of his own. A young Mongolian model who
was a former mistress of a political crony was found blown to pieces in a jungle
clearing near Kuala Lumpur in 2006. At first, it looked like a sordid case of blackmail: she wanted money from her lover,and he, in desperation, had her killed.
Then things got more complicated. The men convicted of killing her were police
officers in charge of security for top officials. The blogger Raja Petra signed a
“statutory declaration” alleging that Najib’s wife had been at the scene of the
murder. He has since been charged with criminal defamation. Najib has denied
any wrongdoing. For the two main contenders of leadership of Malaysia, the
truth of the matter might prove to be less important than the public perception.
The fact that Anwar appears to be less vulnerable than Najib suggests that the
Malaysian public is more inclined to believe a popular blogger than their unpopular
Prime Minister.

One man who is desperate for Najib to succeed is Mahathir. When I spoke to Mahathir’s confidant Tan Sri Abdullah Ahmad, who is a veteran UMNO political
operator, about his party’s fortunes, he sounded gloomy. UMNO, he told me, is like Chiang Kai-shek’s corrupt nationalists in Shanghai in the nineteen-thirties.
He ticked off the Party’s many ills on his fingers: “corruption, ostentatious living, abuse of power, rank stupidity at the top . . .” So was Anwar going to win?

“He will if Najib fails to deliver great changes,” Abdullah Ahmad predicted. “Najib
wants to, but he can’t. He’s surrounded by corrupt people.”

It’s not clear that Najib wants to make big changes, despite recent speeches denouncing corruption in Malaysian politics. Anwar does, but it’s unclear whether
he will be able to. The entrenched interests— Malay bureaucrats, Army officers,
policemen, judges, businessmen, and politicians—will fight to hold on to their privileges. When I asked Anwar about this, he said that such resistance could be managed by reformulating the quotas rather than abolishing them.

“Affirmative action would still be acceptable,but based on need, not on race,” he
said. “I tell PAS that Malays won’t lose out. But there are poor Indians, and poor
“Hey, investor fears need calming over here, too.” Chinese, too, who should be helped.”

Class rather than race, then? Anwar laughed. “I don’t like the word ‘class,’ ” he
said. “I’m not a Marxist.” He paused, and added, “But Adam Smith mentioned
equality many times in his books, too.”

An advantage of replacing the rhetoric of race with that of class is that all opposition parties can agree on the ideal of equality. Religion is a more contentious matter. How to reconcile the Islamists and the secularists? Anwar prefers to finesse the problem, by “concentrating on what we have in common, not what divides us.” But PAS has stated its desire to introduce hudud laws for Muslim citizens— punishing criminal offenses with stoning, whipping, and amputation. Secularist partners in a federal government would find that hard to accept.
“Any party should be free to articulate its ideas,” Anwar says. “But no issue
should be forced on non-Muslims. When I argue with Muslims, I cannot sound detached
from rural Malays, like a typical Malay liberal, or sound like KemalAtatürk. I would not reject Islamic law out of hand. But without the consent of the majority there is no way you can implement Islamic law as national law.”

I mentioned the case of a young Malay woman who no longer believed in Islam
and wanted to marry a Christian. To do so, she would have to change her religious
status. The secular authorites ruled that this was a matter for the Islamic court, but, of course, no Islamic court (whose authority she, as a nonbeliever, no longer recognized)would ever accede to apostasy. Her predicament has become a test case on the issue of Malay identity. After receiving death threats, she is now in hiding.
Anwar rolled his eyes. “Islamically, it is indefensible that all Malays should
have to be Muslims,” he told me. “Not all Arabs are Muslims, after all. But this case has become too political. It is better not to dwell on this issue. We should deal with poverty, rule of law, democracy. . . .”

I must have looked unsatisfied. “Look,” he said, “I have Malay friends who no
longer believe, who drink. But they don’t make an issue out of it.”

I decided to visit the state of Kelantan, where PAS has been in power since
1990. Islamic laws have been introduced there for Muslims, though they are not always enforced. Muslims cannot drink alcohol. The lights must stay on in movie
houses, and only morally acceptable films can be shown. (Some movie houses have
gone out of business.) But nobody has been stoned for adultery or had limbs amputated.

I drove across the country, through a succession of palm-oil plantations, in the
company of Zaid Ibrahim, a wealthy liberal Malay lawyer who had resigned his
post as minister of legal affairs in the Prime Minister’s office on a matter of principle— the first Malaysian cabinet minister to do so. He was against the arrests of political opponents, including Raja Petra, under the Internal Security Act. We had met on a Sunday night in Kuala Lumpur a week before we embarked
on our trip north. Zaid was happy,because PAS had scored an important byelection
victory in the coastal city of Kuala Terengganu, dealing another blow to the National Front. He decided to celebrate the success of the Islamists with a
lavish dinner in a fine restaurant. “A good result,” Zaid murmured, raising his
glass to the men who wanted an Islamic state.

Although PAS won in the city, the state of Terengganu is still in National
Front hands. “Look at those buildings,” Zaid said, as we drove through Terengganu
on the way to Kelantan. We passed a vast stadium, a huge new airport, a gigantic
new mosque, a convention center,a university, an “integrity institute.”

All around these grandiose testimonies to human greed (and generous kickbacks)
were typical Third World shantytowns: wooden shacks with corrugated iron roofs. “There is no money to be made out of building proper sewage systems or water supplies,” Zaid observed, with the dry chuckle of bitter experience.

Kelantan has hardly any huge buildings. Everything in the state capital,
Kota Bharu, near the border with Thailand,is built on a modest scale. I met
the PAS vice-president, Husam Musa,at the Party headquarters. Husam, an
economist by training, is not an imam but one of the new breed of professionals
in Islamist politics. He was polite, if a little defensive. On the question of an
Islamic state, he said this goal was often misunderstood: “We don’t mean a state
ruled by clerics but one guided by the holy books. Without the books, we’d be
like UMNO and just grab the money. The difference between us and them is
that we believe we will be judged in the afterlife.”

He said that Islam was “pro-progress,” and that American democracy was
a good model. (“Unfriendly people will accuse me of being pro-American for
making this statement.”) He also said that discriminating against ethnic minorities
was “un-Islamic,” as was government corruption. “People should be treated the same, and that includes the freedom of religion,” he said.

What about Muslims—were they free to renounce their faith? He averted
his eyes. “I have my own opinion about that, but I will reserve it,” he said. “Media
in Malaysia will interpret it in the wrong way. Everything here is turned to politics.”

He used “politics” as a pejorative term. “I am not a politician,” he said. “I’m
a Muslim activist.”

Few people in Kelantan, even the Chinese, openly complain about the PAS government. Non-Muslims don’t feel hampered by religious rules that don’t apply to them, and the lack of corruption is widely acknowledged. Still,given the chance, many young people leave for Kuala Lumpur. Several young Malays told me that it was “no fun” living in a place where you can get arrested for buying a beer. “This is a place for old men,” an unemployed building contractor said. “They can sit around and pray
all day.”

The real Malay dilemma today is that democrats need the Islamists: Malay liberals and secular Chinese and Indians cannot form a governing alliance without religious and rural Malays. And the only serious contender who can patch over the differences between secularists and Islamists for the sake of reform is Anwar, a liberal Malay
with impeccable Muslim credentials.

“He is our last chance,” Zaid told me, as he celebrated the victory of PAS in Kuala
Terengganu. When I repeated this to Anwar, he looked thoughtful and said, “Yes, and that’s what worries me.”

- The New Yorker

Surat terbuka buat Anwar

Assalamualaikum

Kehadapan dato seri saya sentiasa mengharapkan ( saya tak mahu kata berdoa sebab saya jarang berdoa untuk orang lain ) datos eri sihat , tabah, menghadapi tekanan , dugaan, waaemah apa pun dosa dato seri itu antara dato seri dgn tuhan, saya atau sesiapa pun di dunia ini tidak layak menghukum sesiapa pun, juga saya mengharapkan keluarga dato seri dalam keadaan aman sentiasa.

waaemah apa pun tuduhan terhadap dato seri tak kira benar atau tidak hanya allah sahaja yg tahu dan menentukanya. saya selagi tiada bukti-bukti yg nyata depan mata tak ada sesiapa pun boleh mengubah hati saya pada perjuangan keadilan.walaupun bekas boss boss saya yg besar besar tu.



Dato seri sejak dato seri bebas dan menjadi penasihat ataupun de facto PKR macam-macam perkara berlaku , jamil sentiasa memandang walaupun jamil tak secara langsung sebab jamil bukan gila jawatan atau pangkat , dan jamil pegang pada sumpah jamil dato seri bebas sahaja jamil akan undur diri dan jamil pegang pada janji jamil. seperti yg jamil kata tadi buat apa jamil dalam politik lagi perjuangan jamil ialah membebaskan dato seri supaya dato seri boleh mendapatkan keadilan untuk semua rakyat malaysia.

bukan kerja jamil untuk dapatkan keadilan untuk rakyat malaysia . siapalah jamil? tapi jamil sentiasa mengikuti perkembangan di internet, dan sentiasa update .apabila sdr onn bakar di beri tanggungjawab untuk menjadi ketua cabang putrajaya beliau telah menjemput jamil ,dan di sebabkan yg menjemput itu sdr onn bakar yg jamil kenal sejak reformasi dan dialah yg memberi tunjuk ajar banyak semenjak jamil memasuki politik, di mana beliau dahulu adalah ketua bahagian ceras sebelum di ketepikan oleh permainan kotor group group azmin ali. walaupun tiada bukti tapi kami tahu.


Dato seri semenjak dua menjak ni berbagai perkara yg berlaku, dalam parti kesayangan kita , parti yg kami ( bukan dato seri ) hidupkan sebab dato seri dalam penjara. kami bertungkus lumus berjuang , penghinaan , kutukan, ada yg putus sdr mara karana ini, ada yg di buang kerja , ada yg di tangkap di penjara di lokap kerana ini ,malah saya sendiri hampir 12 kali di buang kerja sehingga saya sudah tidak minat nak berkerja dgn orang lagi. lebih baik berkerja dengan BINATANG lebih bagus dan mulia dari berkerja dengan orang, kalau kita kena ampu,kipas jilat orang untuk hidup sorry that no my way, saya ada maruah dan harga diri.

jadi bila ada apa-apa kejadian dalam parti kami akan terasa. sebab kami yg naikkan, Apabila timbul kejadian, tuduhan, kecacatan dato seri akan buat kenyataan itu kenyatan ini dan kami percaya. tapi perlu di ingatkan kami dah kena tipu dengan parti umno berpuluh tahun so tentu perasaan berhati hati akan ada dalam diri kami.


Dato seri bila orang dalam parti buat kritikan di katakan penghianat, balaci umno, barua umno, malah langsung tiada sesiapa pun pemimpin parti berminat nak dengar atau ambil kisah, semuanya tuduhan , kritikan tak betul tohmahan, fithnah,

Tapi bila orang itu keluar dan buat kritikan ,tuduhan kita kata mereka di bayar umno, di beli umno ya yg ini memang kita tahu benar tapi kenapa bila ahli buat kritikan banyak pulak songel. tak mahu dengar. adakah dato seri dan pimpinan nak buat PKR macam umno cabuk tu. sampai bila pimpinan nak buat ahli PKR jadi bodoh . cukup cukup cukup kami tak mahu di perbodohkan seperti kerajaan barisan nasional ,

Dato seri saya sendiri banyak kali komen di blog dato seri , yang mana saya puji puja dato seri keluar , yang mana saya kritik hilang entah ke mana tulisan itu , saya sms dato seri langsung tak jawab. saya taip di facebook dato seri tak balas. nampak gaya dato seri sama sahaja dengan pemimpin umno, contohnya dato seri hishamuddin sendiri bekas boss saya , kata pemimpin rakyat , pemimpin melayu bila orang pakatan bertanya , beri pendapat buat tak nampak. itu nama pemimpin melayu ke. pemimpin melayu kepala bapak die orang. umno ke, pas ke , pkr ke semua melayu so kalau nak jadi pemimpin melayu kena ambil tahu semua.

saya rapat dengan keluarga dato seri sejak reformasi. saya bukan bekas pengampu dato seri di waktu dato seri jadi timbalan perdana menteri. bukan, saya kenal nurul hana tu dari dato seri di tangkap. dia selalu keluar main dgn kucing saya bila saya di rumah dato seri. jadi sudah semestinya orang seperti saya dato seri balas komen, sms atau apa sahaja. ini tak orang macam saiful , rahimi , bekas banduan yg kami tak kenal langsung dato seri jaga.ini di namakan pemimpin melayu.

Dato seri cuba fikir sejenak . kenapa semua orang marah kan azmin ali. tentu ada sebab . ingat kejadian di sungai petani , ingat konvensyen di kemaman, ingat lagi tak? dua tempat ini berlaku beberapa perpecahan dalam parti kita. dan seperti biasa pemimpin akan buat berbagai kenyataan, kami diam jugak, saya sediri kenapa saya marahkan azmin.

beberapa tahun dato seri dalam penjara azmin tak ambil peduli pun keselamatan rumah dato seri, beberapa kali raya dia tak ambil tahu pun. sehingga tahun tahun ,bulan bulan akhir sebelum dato seri nak bebas , orang dah tak minat nak datang rumah dato seri , malah setiap hari khamis malam jumaat dah makin kurang orang. saya tahu kerana beberapa tahun saya yg menjaga makan minum malam jumaat , bulan puasa dan hariraya.

orang hariraya balik kampong tapi kami ikhlas berkerja di kediaman dato seri kerana kami fikir dato seri tiada. tapi bila dato seri balik nak menikahkan nurul izzah kami yg selalu bertungkus lumus tidak di benarkan masuk kononya atas arahan azmin,orang yg kami tak kenal tapi kami tahu balaci-balaci azmin jaga pintu. nak panjat pagar ambil gambar pun di herdik.punya celakanya mereka . tak mengapa kami terima.


Disebelah perempuan rumah dato seri yang saya paling rapat saya tidak di benarkan masuk atau mengambil gambar. di tahan di herdik.
Di sebelah lelaki yang saya langsung tak kenal saya di benarkan mengambil gambar malah di beri tugas menyambut tentamu tetamu vvip dan vip.

Bila dato seri bebas rumah itu dah jadi macam penjara. hanya orang tertentu je yg boleh masuk, terutamnaya puak puak kaki ampu ponggong azmin. saya pernah dengar dari beberapa orang kenalan dato seri , dulu waktu dato seri TPM kalau dapat pegang azmin dapatlah jumpa dato seri ataupun dalam kata lain ada bahagian azmin dapatlah jumpa dato seri. tapi saya tak percaya. dan saya tak akan ampu azmin untuk rapat dgn dato seri.

hariraya pertama dato seri di rumah semuanya di kawal oleh azmin. kalau beberapa tahun malam raya saya datang gantung kad kad hariraya. kali ini dah tak boleh masuk, arahan siapa? azmin. apa salah saya dan kawan kawan. adakah kerana kami tak pandai jilat ponggong azmin. kalau macam itu caranya tak ubahlah seperti dalam umno. beratus , berpuluh tuduhan di lemparkan kepada azmin dan dalam pemilihan 2010 beratus tuduhan di lemparkan tapi disebabkan azmin mengunakan antivirus KASPERSKY dia selamat.

adakah azmin ni malaikat sehingga semua tuduhan dato seri kata tak betul. walaupun beribu penafian dari Yb azmin kita kena ingat , azmin bekas anak angkat mahatuahaprak , bekas pemimpin umno, bekas orang kuat umno so segala penipuan cara umno ada dalam kepala otak beliau. ( lagi satu mana ada orang berak tengah jalan nak mengaku dia berak ) kebanyakan ahli dan pemimpin dalam PKR tidak pernah masuk umno jadi kami tak mahir dalam penipuan.


Dato seri kata dato seri tak campur. kak wan pula hanya mendiamkan diri. sehingga dato zaid ambil tindakah mengejut itu ok lah. sdr mustafa kamil ayub salah seorang pemimpin yg di percayai dan kami mempercayainya pun buat kenyataan , ini sudah lain. masakan dato seri tak nampak. atau dato seri nak tunggu parti hancur baru nak ambil tindakan, ingat dato seri ingat kalau dato seri di penjara sekali lagi ,tidak akan ada lagi reformasi kedua.

reformasi pertama orang keluar secara ikhlas. demi keadilan sejagat. kali kedua. no way. mampukan azmin atau parti keluarkan wang untuk suruh orang keluar demonstrasi. mampukan. sebab nanti akan ada yg kaya dalam pengundian boleh keluarkan wang macam umno. so nak suruh kita sokong keluarkanlah wang.

kita tak akan dapat lagi sokongan seperti 1999. ingat tu. tak kan lah tak ada kecacatan langsung pada azmin. come on dato seri. soalan saya satu je dato seri . dato seri nak jaga yg 1 ka atau yg 100.000 .azmin kata dia tidak akan ikut kata zaid atau mustafa dan dia nasihat kita ikut kata ahli.tapi saya nak tanya ikut kata ahli atau ahli yg dah di beli????


Buatlah sesuatu , keluarkan lah suara. ambillah tindakan segera kalau perlu buart pengundian sekali lagi demi parti buat . kalau betul sayangkan parti buat.jangan hancurkan parti yang kami naikkan , berbagai kesensaraan, kesusahan yg kami tanggung.

kami di perli di internet, kami di hina di internet, di sindir di internet , di mana kami nak letak muka. pemimpin tak mengapa sebab ada separuh pemimpin sama macam pemimpin umno ( muka tampal kulit babi ) tapi kami ahli di bawah kami ada maruah dan harga diri. kalau rasa dato seri tak boleh buat keputusan arahkan kak wan buat. back up kak wan untuk buat keputusan.

kami akan menyokong dan mendokong demi parti. buatlah segera dato seri , buat Yb azmin jangan ambil hati , tentu Yb ada buat kesilapan cara umno yg tidak di senangi oleh ahli PKR yg bukan dari umno.

Dato seri saya memohon ampun dan maaf jika ada terkasar bahasa dan cara penulisan, dan saya mengaku memang ada yg kasar.tapi ini cara saya .saya tidak pandai bermadah-madah, puisi, puisi, dalam berkata, saya tak pandai mengampu untuk hidup.saya tak pandai kona-kona dalam berkata. saya tidak kisah kalau di pecat dari parti sekali pun kerana tulisan saya ini. bukan parti atau pemimpin yg menanggung makan minum saya tapi haiwan. so for me is nothing.

saya aktif dalam keadilan pun dengan tujuan nak melingkupkan UMNO CABUK . itu sahaja bukan untuk jawatan jawatan atau kontrek dalam parti. atau kerajaan negeri. saya tak kata Dato zaid bagus ,tapi saya kenal azmin dari era reformasi ok. saya ikut setiausaha agong pertama en anuar tahir 3 tahun. saya di ibupejabat 3 tahun.

tentu banyak yg saya tahu dan dengar. kami ada mata dan melihat.kami ahli makin papa kedana pemimpin makin kaya. apa ni. mentekedarah seorang ka. saya tak menuduh sesiapa pun tapi ada mata pandang , ada telinga dengar .

Saya sudahi dengan dua rangkap pantuh yg pernah dato seri keluarkan .satu di persidangan umno 1997 , yg satu lagi di era reformasi.

Akar nibung meresap
Akar mati dalam perahu
terbakar kampong kelihatan asap
trebakar hati siapa yang tahu.

Kalau tanam si pokok koko
Jangan tanam pisang berangan
Kalau takut dengan risiko
Jangan bicara tentang perjuangan.

Pandangan ikhlas dari jamil bin ismail ( jamilkucing ) .

King, Wan Azizah join top Muslim influence list

Tuanku Mizan has joined the ranks of the world’s most influential Muslims. — Reuters pic
KUALA LUMPUR, Nov 14 — Yang di-Pertuan Agong Tuanku Mizan Zainal Abidin and PKR president Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah were among Malaysian newcomers listed in “The 500 Most Influential Muslims in the World”, while PAS spiritual leader Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat dropped out of the Top 50. The Kelantan mentri besar since 1990, Nik Aziz was listed as the 42nd most influential in 2009. No Malaysian made it to the top 50 list this year.
The other newcomers from Malaysia are Deputy Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Datuk Dr Mashitah Ibrahim, the country’s first astronaut Datuk Dr Sheikh Muszaphar Shukor, and Professor Dr Muhammad Afifi al-Akiti.
Muhammad Afifi was one of the first Malaysians to be appointed to the Oxford University’s Theology Faculty after the 2005 London bombings.
The book also included the views of Mashitah, who is also a motivational expert on contemporary Islamic issues.
She entered the political scene six years ago by contesting the 2004 general election on Umno’s ticket.
Other Malaysian leaders who stayed on the list are Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim; Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak; SIS founder Zainah Anwar; vice president of the Penang consumer association Mohideen Abdul Kader; Raihan group members, Che Amran Idris, Abu Bakar Md Yatim, Amran Ibrahim and Zulfadli Mustaza; and world-renowned expert and writer in Islamic studies and modern law comparison, Professor Dr Mohammad Hashim Kamali.
Notable absentees from this year’s list were former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, activist and leader of Sisters In Islam (SIS) Sharifah Zuriah Aljefferi, and also academic expert Professor Emeritus Datuk Dr Osman Bakar.
“The 500 Most Influential Muslims in the World” was first published last year by The Royal Islamic Strategic Studies Centre.
Muslim personalities worldwide who make the list are considered influential and to have contributed to mankind.
The ranking covers 15 different categories including scholars, politicians, intellectuals, women, youth, scientists, personnel in the medical, technology and the media fields.
The top 10 in the list this time includes Saudi Arabia’s King Abdullah Abdul Aziz Al Saud; Iranian leader Syed Ali Khamenei; Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyib Erdogan; chief Imam of Al-Azhar and University Al-Azhar leader Dr Sheikh Ahmad Muhammad Al Tayeb; Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono; chief of the international Muslim scholars Yusuf Al-Qaeadawi; social activist Amr Khaled; Brunei’s Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah; leader of Ikhwanul Muslimim Mesir Syeikh Mohammad Mahdi Akef; and Hamas leader Khaleed Mishal.

Kabinet larang menteri cakap terbuka isu patriotisme bukan Melayu


Zahid akan menghadap sebuah usul di Parlimen agar gajinya dipotong ekoran kenyataan beliau. — gambar fail
KUALA LUMPUR, 14 Nov — Kesemua anggota Kabinet telah diarah agar tidak lagi membincangkan secara terbuka isu kononnya semangat patriotisme yang rendah sebagai antara punca bukan Melayu enggan menyertai Angkatan Tentera Malaysia (ATM), kata Senator Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon hari ini. Menteri di Jabatan Perdana Menteri berkata, Kabinet menyerahkan kepada Kementerian Pertahanan untuk melaksanakan pendekatan bagi menambah bilangan bukan Melayu dalam ATM.
“Kami telah mengambil pendirian, memandangkan Kabinet dan Perdana Menteri telah menasihatkan kami bahawa tiada lagi, kesemua bentuk retorik dan hujah secara terbuka.
“Buat kerja untuk membuktikan bahawa kita ini ikhlas dalam mahukan perkhidmatan tentera diwakili dengan baik (oleh semua kaum),” kata beliau kepada pemberita di sini hari ini.
Koh berkata wujud salah faham secara luas bahawa perkhidmatan angkatan tentera hanya dibuka kepada orang Melayu.
“Ia tidak benar. Selain Rejimen Askar Melayu Diraja, (sayap) perkhidmatan angkatan tentera dan unit-unit lain dibuka kepada semua (kaum),” katanya lagi.
“Ini adalah tugas dan tanggungjawab Kementerian Pertahanan tetapi ia akan memastikan angkatan tentera kita menjadi lebih bersepadu,” kata beliau.
Semalam, Koh yang juga Presiden Gerakan berkata Kabinet telah memutuskan untuk mengambil langkah-langkah konkrit bagi menggalakkan penyertaan bukan Melayu dalam ATM.
“Keputusan Kabinet semalam (Jumaat) adalah untuk mengambil langkah-langkah konkrit bagi menggalakkan kaum India dan Cina yang sekarang sangat rendah penyertaannya dalam ATM,” katanya.
Perkara itu menjadi isu ekoran kenyataan Menteri Pertahanan Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi di Dewan Rakyat Selasa lalu, yang dilihat oleh sesetengah pihak seolah-olah menggambarkan “bukan Melayu tidak ramai menyertai tentera kerana kurang semangat patriotik”.
Kenyataan itu dikecam oleh MCA dan MIC, dua komponen Barisan Nasional yang Umno merupakan parti teras.
Zahid merupakan Naib Presiden Umno.
Dilaporkan, daripada 9,054 yang menyertai ATM tahun lalu, 8,151 atau 90 peratus daripadanya adalah Melayu, Cina (26) dan India (82), manakala 795 lagi adalah kaum lain yang meliputi kaum pribumi Sabah dan Sarawak.
Di sebalik perkembangan itu,  Zahid akan berhadapan dengan perbahasan usul dipotong gaji RM10 ekoran kenyataan beliau itu.
Usul itu dikemukakan terhadap Menteri Pertahanan oleh Ahli Parlimen DAP dari Ipoh Barat M. Kulasegaran.
Usul itu akan dibahaskan di Dewan Rakyat pada minggu kedua bulan depan.
“Kementerian mendapati penyertaan kaum bukan Melayu terutama kaum Cina dan India masih berkurangan berkemungkinan disebabkan kekhuatiran terhadap disiplin yang ketat, ganjaran kurang berbanding swasta, tiada galakan daripada keluarga serta semangat patriotisme yang belum cukup tinggi,” kata Zahid di Dewan Rakyat Selasa lalu.
Bagaimanapun dalam satu kenyataan dikeluarkan di Jakarta yang dipetik Bernama Rabu lalu, Zahid mendakwa ATM tidak ada prasangka kaum dalam pengambilan anggotanya dan oleh itu tidak timbul persoalan bukan Melayu kurang semangat patriotisme.
Zahid berkata rakyat daripada semua kaum boleh menyertai ATM dan berpeluang menyandang jawatan berpangkat tinggi.
Kata beliau, jawapannya di Dewan Rakyat mengenai faktor-faktor rendahnya penyertaan bukan Melayu dalam ATM dibuat berdasarkan dapatan kaji selidik ilmiah.

Aktiviti perhubungan awam PKNS pula dibekukan

Ekoran dakwaan salah guna kuasa, termasuk menaja jamuan majlis perkahwinan angkasawan negara bulan lalu, kerajaan Selangor membekukan semua aktiviti Jabatan yang membabitkan Jabatan Perhubungan Awam Perbadanan Kerajaan Negeri Selangor (PKNS).

khalid ibrahimMenteri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim berkata, pembekuan itu berkuatkuasa sehingga laporan penuh audit siap, dijangka akhir bulan ini.

"Dengan keputusan ini, Jabatan Perhubungan Awam PKNS diarah supaya melaporkan kepada Pejabat Menteri Besar sebelum mengadakan sebarang aktiviti termasuk membuat keputusan-keputusan penting.

"Langkah ini untuk memastikan setiap aktiviti akan dipertimbangkan secara teliti dari aspek kepentingan, keperluan dan belanjawan sebelum dilaksanakan," katanya.

muszaphar shukor 101007Menurut Khalid, jabatan itu dijangka berjalan seperti biasa sebaik laporan audit diterima dan keputusan mengenainya diumumkan.

Pada 10 November lalu, Khalid Ibrahim menubuhkan jawatankuasa audit profesional untuk menyiasat pendedahan ADUN Hulu Klang Saari Sungib bahawa wujud salah guna kuasa dalam penajaan majlis perkahwinan Datuk Dr Sheikh Muszaphar Shukor.

Khalid yang juga salah seorang ahli lembaga pengarah PKNS turut tidak menolak kemungkinan bahawa kes itu akan dirujuk kepada Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas Selangor Mengenai Keupayaan, Kebertanggungjawaban, Ketelusan (Selcat).

Media melaporkan jumlah tajaan oleh anak syarikat kerajaan negeri itu sebanyak RM520,000.

Kulasegaran Gagal Pertahan Jawatan Timbalan Pengerusi DAP Perak

IPOH: Timbalan Pengerusi DAP Perak M. Kulasegaran gagal mempertahankan jawatannya pada pemilihan sempena Konvensyen DAP Perak di sini Ahad.
Hanya seorang penyokongnya iaitu bendahari DAP Perak yang juga Anggota Dewan Undangan Negeri (Adun) Jalong Leong Mee Meng yang terpilih dalam senarai 15 anggota jawatankuasa negeri.
Sebanyak 41 calon menawarkan diri pada pemilihan berkenaan.
Kulasegaran yang juga Anggota Parlimen Ipoh Barat bagaimanapun dilantik sebagai salah seorang Naib Pengerusi DAP Perak.
Pengerusi DAP Perak Datuk Ngeh Koo Ham mempertahankan jawatannya bersama dengan Setiausaha DAP Perak Nga Kor Ming.
V.Sivakumar, Adun Tronoh yang juga bekas Speaker DUN Perak semasa pakatan pembangkang memerintah sebelum ini terpilih sebagai Timbalan Pengerusi.
Sebanyak 961 perwakilan menyertai pemilihan yang berlangsung di sebuah hotel di sini. Jumlah keseluruhan perwakilan yang sepatutnya mengundi ialah sebanyak 1,228 orang.
Sementara itu, Ngeh yang juga Adun Sitiawan berkata jawatankuasa baru yang dipilih itu bersetuju menubuhkan enam biro baru bagi meningkatkan perkhidmatan parti kepada masyarakat.
Enam biro itu ialah Perkhidmatan Perubatan, Pendaftaran Air, Biro Guaman, Pembangunan Ekonomi, Hal Ehwal Pengguna dan Kebajikan Sosial. - BERNAMA

Pegawai kanan Yayasan Selangor diarah bercuti

Pegawai kanan Yayasan Selangor diarahkan bercuti bergaji selama sebulan berkuatkuasa serta merta sehingga siasatan terhadap perbelanjaan mewah bagi majlis sambutan ulang tahun ke-40 yayasan itu disiasat.

Menteri Besar Selangor Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim berkata, tindakan terhadap Timbalan Pengurus Besar Mohd Sharifuldin Sulaiman itu bagi memastikan siasatan dilakukan dengan cepat dan bebas.

NONE"Laporan awal yang diterima menunjukkan penglibatan pejabat timbalan pengurus besar yayasan itu," katanya.

Kelmarin, Sultan Selangor membatalkan keberangkatan ke majlis jamuan tengahari anjuran Yayasan Selangor yang dijadual esok kerana dukacita dengan kosnya yang terlalu tinggi.

Setiausaha Kerajaan Negeri Datuk Ramli Mahmud dilaporkan pada pendapat Baginda kos makan tengah hari lebih daripada RM300,000 adalah amat tinggi dan membazir.

Baginda berpendapat lebih berfaedah jika wang itu digunakan untuk belanja pembelajaran dan kebajikan atau untuk membiayai lebih ramai pelajar dari golongan yang kurang berkemampuan.

Baginda menyifatkan jumlah perbelanjaan sebesar itu bagi majlis makan tengahari sempena sambutan ulang penubuhan Yayasan Selangor sebagai satu pembaziran.

Dalam satu kenyataan hari ini, Khalid berkata, kerajaan Pakatan Rakyat Selangor menghargai setiap maklumat salah laku bagi memastikan pentadbiran negeri dan anak syarikat diuruskan dengan telus dan bertanggungjawab.

"Kita juga tidak akan teragak-agak untuk membuat keputusan berani termasuk membawa mana-mana individu yang terbukti melakukan salahguna kuasa ke muka pengadilan," katanya.

Lim sedia batal arahan MMC-Gamuda henti kerja jika puas hati alasanLim sedia batal arahan MMC-Gamuda henti kerja jika puas hati alasan

Banjir teruk di kawasan utara terdahulu dikaitkan dengan projek landasan kembar. — gambar fail
KUALA LUMPUR, 14 Nov — Kerajaan negeri Pulau Pinang bersedia untuk mengadakan pertemuan dengan Menteri Pengangkutan Datuk Seri Kong Cho Ha bagi membincangkan arahan henti kerja yang dikenakan ke atas MMC-Gamuda JV Sdn Bhd, pemaju projek landasan berkembar, dua hari lalu. “Saya bersedia untuk mendengar penjelasan Datuk Seri Kong.
“Jika Datuk Seri Kong dapat memuaskan (dengan penjelasan), saya bersedia untuk mengesyorkan agar arahan henti kerja ke atas kontraktor MMC-Gamuda JV ditarik balik dengan segera,” kata Ketua Menteri Pulau Pinang Lim Guan Eng dalam satu kenyataan yang dikeluarkan hari ini.
“Saya akan menunggu laporan mereka sebelum memutuskan sama ada dan bila untuk menarik balik arahan henti kerja,” kata Lim lagi.
Lim berkata, beliau juga kesal kerana kini Menteri Perumahan dan Kerajaan Tempatan Datuk Chor Chee Heung menafikan pernah mengatakan yang projek itu menyebabkan masalah banjir.
Kelmarin, kerajaan negeri mengeluarkan arahan itu ekoran kenyataan Chor dan Menteri Besar Kedah Datuk Seri Azizan Abdul Razak bahawa banjir besar baru-baru ini antara lain ekoran projek tersebut.
Kerajaan negeri Pulau Pinang mengarahkan MMC-Gamuda JV memberhentikan dengan segera kerja projek landasan kereta api berkembar Ipoh ke Padang Besar melibatkan tanah di negeri itu bagi mengelak banjir.
Mesyuarat exco kerajaan negeri membuat keputusan agar kerja projek itu dihentikan sehingga syarat baru yang ditetapkan oleh kerajaan negeri dipenuhi.
Kerajaan negeri meminta MMC-Gamuda JV bersedia untuk memecahkan apa-apa landasan yang dibina supaya air tidak akan bertakung dan bertanggungjawab untuk menanggung segala kos kewangan akibat banjir.
“Kami berharap MMC-Gamuda JV dapat memberikan satu jaminan bertulis kepada pihak kerajaan negeri untuk memenuhi dua syarat baru yang ditetapkan,” kata Lim kelmarin.
MMC-Gamuda JV adalah kontraktor utama projek landasan kereta api berkembar sepanjang 329km yang dijangka siap awal 2013, membabitkan kos lebih kurang RM12.5 bilion.
Syarikat itu telah menafikan bahawa projek berkenaan adalah punca banjir di Kedah.
Keretapi Tanah Melayu Berhad (KTMB) pula menganggap langkah kerajaan negeri Pulau Pinang yang mahu projek itu dihentikan kerana mendakwa ia punca banjir di Kedah adalah tidak wajar dan tidak berasas.
KTMB berkata projek itu tidak menyumbang kepada banjir yang lebih kronik di Kedah mahupun seperti dikhuatiri di Pulau Pinang.
Laporan Jabatan Meteorologi menunjukkan hujan lebih dari luar biasa iaitu hampir sekali ganda direkodkan pada 2005 iaitu peningkatan paras air dari 119mm kepada 207mm, kata KTMB semalam.
KTMB dan MMC-Gamuda JV bagaimanapun akan mengaturkan perbincangan lanjut bersama wakil kerajaan negeri untuk mencari penyelesaian perkara berkenaan.

Saga Politik Zaid: Bagaimanakah Ia Akan Berakhir...


PENULIS berasa simpati dengan apa yang sedang dilalui oleh Datuk Mohd Zaid Ibrahim. Dia melalui perjalanan yang payah lagi getir ketika di dalam Umno dan kini dia sedang melalui saat-saat yang serupa di dalam PKR.
Orang yang memiliki sifat dan susuk pemikiran seperti Zaid ini susah berada di dalam mana-mana gerakan atau pertubuhan melainkan dia sendiri yang menjadi kapten yang mengemudi dan menentukan halatuju bahteranya sendiri.
Ini kerana pada pandangan penulis, dia telah sampai ke tahap di mana dia tidak perlu lagi akur kepada telunjuk orang lain. Orang lain tidak perlu menentukan halatuju hidupnya lagi. Dia telah mencapai segala-galanya dalam hidup. Dia ada kekayaan dan duit. Dia dikenali ramai, dia ada pangkat malah kalau hendak dikatakan dia ada kedudukan pun boleh. Ini kerana dia pernah menerajui dan memiliki firma guaman terbesar di Malaysia.
Apabila dia melupuskan semua kepentingannya dalam firma Zaid Ibrahim & Co, kita tidak tahu berapa juta ringgitkah yang diperolehinya hasil daripada jualan itu. Hakikatnya sudah tentulah dalam angka juta. Dan selepas dilupuskan apa jua pinjaman dengan bank, nescaya baki angka yang masih ada tentulah masih dalam kategori juta. Kalau tidak buat untung tak gunalah dia membina empayar sebegitu hebat dalam sejarah firma guaman Malaysia.
Itu pun belum termasuk lagi hasil jualan lebih RM4 juta bekas bangunan Umno Kota Bharu kepada Pas Kelantan baru-baru ini. Walaupun orang Umno buat bising sana-sini ekoran daripada tindakannya itu tetapi Zaid buat tidak peduli kerana di atas kertas, bangunan dan tanah itu mungkin atas namanya atau nama syarikat yang dimilikinya.
Pendek kata, wang dari hasil kekayaan Zaid mungkin cukup untuk beberapa lagi generasinya hidup dengan hasil titik peluhnya itu. Jadi setiap pagi apabila Zaid bangun dari tidur, apakah yang ada dalam benak pemikirannya? Kalau ikutkan kata-kata terbaru Zaid pada pagi Isnin, dia ada banyak benda lagi yang boleh dibuat selain daripada politik.
Ya memanglah dia boleh buat macam-macam benda lagi kerana dia tidak perlu buka suratkhabar mencari kerja sepertimana orang lain. Tapi itu sekarang iaitu selepas dia kecewa dengan apa yang telah dan sedang berlaku dalam PKR. Tapi sebelum itu bagaimana?
Hanya Zaid sahaja yang boleh menjawab segala pertanyaan itu. Kita hanya sekadar meneka. Yang paling hampir yang boleh kita andaikan ialah kuasa. Dia berkehendakkan kuasa untuk memerintah dan menzahirkan apa yang dia rasa betul dan wajar untuk melakukan pembaharuan politik dalam negara ini.
Tetapi satu-satunya pengajaran yang Zaid perolehi daripada semua ini ialah, dalam politik ia tidaklah semudah itu. Dia membuat ‘pelaburan’ yang sangat mahal untuk naik dalam Umno pada tahun-tahun 1980an dengan menapak di peringkat cawangan terlebih dahulu kemudian bahagian, selepas itu negeri sehingga berjaya menjadi wakil rakyat dan kemudiannya menteri di dalam kabinet kerajaan persekutuan. Untuk apa dia buat semua ini sedangkan dia sudah memiliki segala-galanya. Dia telah bekerja keras daripada seorang anak yang miskin di kota Bharu sehinga memiliki firma guaman terbesar di Malaysia.
Zaid memilih Umno kerana dia merasakan itu adalah platform yang terbaik untuk dia berjaya dalam politik. Pada zahirnya pelaburannya itu kelihatan berbaloi. Tetapi selepas dia dilantik di dalam kabinet, dia mula mendapati, cara dan politiknya tidak secocok dengan anggota jemaah menteri yang lain.
Penulis difahamkan, setiap kali selesainya mesyuarat mingguan kabinet, Zaid akan kembali ke pejabatnya di Aras 3 JPM dengan wajah yang cemek. Dia berhadapan dengan kekecewaan politik yang mendalam kerana khabarnya banyak perubahan yang selama ini hendak dia lakukan khususnya dalam sistem perundangan kita, tidak sehaluan dengan anggota jemaah menteri yang lain.
Walaupun pada satu sudut yang lain, dia telah mencapai apa yang selama ini ingin dicapai oleh semua orang politik iaitu untuk menjadi sebahagian daripada jemaah menteri tetapi nampaknya bagi Zaid itu belum memadai. Dia perlu buat apa yang dia rasakan dia perlu lakukan.
Jadi apabila Zaid menyertai PKR selepas dipecat dari Umno, perkara pertama yang terdetik di hati penulis ialah lama manakah Zaid mampu bertahan dalam sepak terajang politik PKR ini pula. Dan setelah berada di dalam, Zaid mungkin dapati, di PKR pun sama.
Dia mendapati pembaharuan yang dilaung-laungkan oleh PKR di pentas politik tidak sama dengan politik dalaman parti itu sendiri. Akhirnya di PKR pun dia kecewa. Tapi satu kelebihan Zaid ialah bila dia tidak suka, dia tidak teragak-agak untuk berhenti atau keluar atau buat hal. Dia berhenti dari kabinet kemudian buat hal dengan Umno supaya kena pecat dan hari ini dia buat hal dalam PKR pula. Langkah pertama ialah lepaskan semua jawatan dulu sama seperti ketika dalam Umno.Langkah seterusnya kita sudah boleh agak bagaimanakah saga politik Zaid akan berakhir.

The many forms of vote-buying

By Gan Pei Ling 
“I believe Ku Li (Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah) through his men will move from house to house to pay voters. This is their secret weapon.”
Wan Abdul Rahim
Wan Abdul Rahim
In the last few days of the Galas by-election campaign, PAS national election director Datuk Abd Halim Abd Rahman accused Umno veteran and Galas by-election director Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah of vote-buying.
On 31 Oct 2010, PAS Kelantan election director Datuk Wan Abdul Rahim Wan Abdullah also alleged that Umno was bribing voters with RM1,000 and a free television set. However, neither was able to substantiate their claims with evidence. (Source: Now PAS accuses Ku Li of vote buying, The Malaysian Insider, 2 Nov 2010)
“Actually we want to help the EC (Election Commission), we want to ensure that more people turn out to vote.”
Abd Halim defending PAS’s offer to reimburse Galas voters living outside the state their transportation costs. On 30 Oct 2010, PAS had announced it would compensate up to RM250 to out of town voters who returned to vote on 4 Nov 2010. (Source: PAS dismisses EC warning over ‘vote-buying’, Malaysiakini, 2 Nov 2010)
“Yes, we will issue land titles. The Orang Asli are not outsiders, they are the rakyat of Kelantan. So we will issue land titles to them.”
Kelantan Menteri Besar Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat on 1 Nov 2010 promised Orang Asli in Galas that the state government was already processing land titles for them. He said the delay was due to red tape in state agencies.
On the same day, Kelantan Deputy Menteri Besar Datuk Ahmad Yaakob announced that the state would allocate two acres of land, which would be recognised and gazetted as Orang Asli reserve.
Earlier on 27 Oct 2010, the federal government announced it had set aside RM10.8 million for Orang Asli welfare in Gua Musang when Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin visited one of the communities. (Source: Kelantan pledge land titles to Orang Asli, Malaysiakini, 1 Nov 2010)
“How can giving zakat be corruption?”
Abdul Halim
Abdul Halim
Abdul Halim again, this time defending Nik Aziz’s act of giving wang zakat to poor Orang Asli who had converted to Islam. (Source: PAS: Nik Aziz gives alms, not bribes, Malaysiakini, 3 Nov 2010)
The EC’s response…
“But in the eyes of the law, any money given by anyone to voters that can sway their vote is considered a bribe under Article 10 of the Election Offences Act 1954.”
EC deputy chairperson Datuk Wan Ahmad Wan Omar is quick to label Nik Aziz’s alms-giving as bribery. (Source: EC: Alms or not, giving money is bribery, Malaysiakini, 3 Nov 2010)
“We hear a lot about this, people giving bicycles and food. They can say it is for all sorts of reasons. … Our votes are confidential, so how do you know that person voted for the party which gave him the money? I don’t see that there is a contract.”
EC chairperson Tan Sri Abdul Aziz Mohd Yusof dismissing reports that bribery was involved when RM20 was given out to voters at a Wanita Umno dinner in the Batu Sapi by-election. He said bribery was difficult to prove because there was no evidence to show that the recipient would necessarily vote for the party which gave the inducement. (Source: Wanita Umno’s spending spree ‘not a bribe’, Malaysiakini, 2 Nov 2010)

Forget Pakatan, it may just be 'independents' who stir Sarawak


By FMT Staff
KUCHING: The people of Sarawak have a dream. They dream of jobs, better salaries, schools, water and electricity.
Awesome simple truths yet so terribly complex when dressed with politics and doctrinations.
It's been a trying week looking for that which is real in the midst of an endless stream of loud political theatrics. Truth is often lost in the slush of who said what.
But in Sibu on May 2010, they found that elusive 'truth' and impossible became possible.
With a simple 'x' , Sarawak played out the Barisan Nasional coalition led by Chief Minister Taib Mahmud and Sibu welcomed DAP vis-a-vis Pakatan Rakyat.
Since then there's been a steady rise in awareness here of 'choices', 'rights' and 'possibilities'.
But unlike before, now the Pakatan coalition of DAP, PKR or PAS is 'just another option', noted a longtime political observer.
"The way I see it, Sarawak is ready to field its own independent reps (elected representatives).
"True... they may not be as knowledgeable as the seasoned campaigners but they will be best useful to their own people.
"Locals don't really trust the peninsular politicians. They don't like what is happening in PKR and they don't like the way Umno plays with religion and people's dignity," he said.
Third Force
Post Sibu, a steady stream of new possibilities has emerged to Sarawakians.
Most significant perhaps is the emergence of 'independents' from all corners of Sarawak who see themselves as the 'Third Force" and the unlikely 'wind to stir' change in Sarawak.
Notable here is the rise of the long dormant and unhappy Dayaks, who make up 45% of the population in Sarawak. The Dayaks believe that they have been unfairly marginalised by the ruling BN.
The Dayaks comprise Bidayuhs and the Ibans, who incidently make up the largest native community. The Penans, the smallest community, total just over 12,000 people.
Until earlier this year the term 'Dayak' was a socially and bureaucratically accepted identity.
But a growing 'patriotism' among the Dayaks has apparently unsettled Taib, who has since decided to strike off the term much to the chagrin of Dayak intellectuals.
According to blogger and veteran DAP politician Sim Kwang Yang, the term “Dayak” came to political prominence even before the formation of Malaysia in 1963.
"During that time, the budding political consciousness of Sarawakians was very much influenced by the racial narrative of the Malayan federation.
"The politics of race is the politics of counting heads. It was more or less agreed that since the Dayak were the majority people in Sarawak, the chief minister ought to be a Dayak. There was also a tacit agreement that the governor would then be a Malay," he wrote.
And so it was that on Sept 16, 1963 Stephen Kalong Ningkan, an Iban became the first chief minister. This, however was shortlived. In 1967 Ningkan was replaced by another Iban, Tawi Sli, in a crisis engineered by Kuala Lumpur.
But Sim notes in the blog hornbillunleashed, that Sli was only a seat-warmer for an eventual Malay-Melanau chief minister, a move which until today "defies the BN logic of communal politics”.
Seething anger
Meanwhile decades of festering discontent among the Dayaks gave birth to the Parti Bangsa Dayak Sarawak (PBDS) in 1983 under the guidance of Leo Moggie and Daniel Tajem.
But the party has since fallen into the wayside after a failed coup to oust Taib in 1987, an unsuccessful attempt at the state polls and its subsequent deregistration because of factional disputes following Moggie's retirement.
Several splinter groups have mushroomed since and a new breed of middle class educated Dayaks are questioning the BN's political practices.
Alongside this middleclass group are large pockets of angry Dayaks who live in poverty. Low education, unemployments and alcoholism remains a matter of urgent concern.
Said an informed observer in Kuching: "Dayaks are angry with the BN government for many reasons.But they are particularly bitter at the government for rejecting their request to form the Malaysian Dayak Congress (MDC), which was meant to spear social and economic reforms within the Dayak community.
"Once PBDS got deregistered the leaders tried to set up MDC but the government objected on the grounds that MDC would be a threat to national security.
"I know many influencial Dayak leaders who are not members of any political party. They are interested in being part of the independent "Third Force".
"Sarawak is ready for change, especially from the more than 100,000 ex-PBDS cadres who are currently partyless after their group got deregistered."
Grassroots leadership
Meanwhile an ethusiastic entreprenuer-cum-observer noted that Parti Ekonomi Rakyat Sarawak (PERS), an agriculture-based grouping with over 100,000 members in the state were also "preparing to take on BN reps."
"The grassroots jatropha agri-project has made hundreds of native families in the rural areas self-sufficient. The groups have been working the ground for over two years now and are seeing returns and happy families.
"Among them they now see collective strength. It has made local leaders more confident of what they can achieve" he said.
Earlier this year PERS had announced that it was ready to contest in multiple seats in the coming state election which needs to be held before June 2011.
Although PERS is awaiting registration, the group's pro-tem leaders had reportedly declared that they will 'contest' the polls 'with or without' a party as independents.
Unlike their sibling state, Sabah which is deluged by immigrants from neighbouring Indonesia and Philippines, Sarawak's 'sons' have a strong sense of self-respect and BN's callous treatment of them is fuelling a breeze that may just turn into an unexpected gust.